In discussing drunkenness, I cited the first known royal edict in
France, from Childebert I (ruled 511 - 558). That text speaks of
those who spend “whole nights in
drunkenness, scurrility or singing,
even on the holy days
of Easter, Christmas Day, and the rest of the feast-days... dancers
go about the towns.”
Note that, on the
one hand, Childebert here is condemning pagan behavior; on the other
hand, he is addressing Christians. But at this early point in
French history, many were not only new Christians, still steeped in
pagan practice, but may very well have lived in intimacy with others
who worshiped Thor, or Ceres, or even long-forgotten Celtic deities.
Though France became a Christian country at the start of the
monarchy, when Clovis converted, not all of his followers converted
with him.
The problem of
pagan behavior by Christians would be an issue in France for
centuries, and not least on the holidays, when many no doubt found it
natural to celebrate their new religion in the same ways their
ancestors had the old. In 578, a Council at Auxerre condemned “making
oneself like a cow or a stag, or observing diabolical gift-giving”
at New Year's (Non licet kalendis Januarii vitulà aut cervolo
facere, vel strennas diabolicas observare). The Church would
ultimately convince people not to wear horns or other disguises (at
least until Halloween came along); it had less success with New
Year's gifts, whose Latin name – strenna – became the
French word étrennes,
for gifts now given on Christmas, but long “observed” on New
Year's.
Ironically, these
condemnations provide us with something that is extremely rare: a
glimpse at how people in early Medieval France celebrated the
holidays. Certainly not all indulged in old pagan revels, but the
fact that paganism was still an issue for Charlemagne suggests that
the behavior noted by Childebert and the Council persisted for some
time.
It could not have
helped that, as the Catholic Encyclopedia notes, the feast
itself probably had a pagan origin: “The
well-known solar feast... of Natalis Invicti, celebrated on 25
December, has a strong claim on the responsibility for our
December date.” (The
same writer adds, however, “The origin of Christmas should not
be sought in the Saturnalia (1-23 December)”; though that question may not be settled.)
For a purely
Christian close-up of the time, we have the vivid but very
fragmentary testimony of the poet-bishop Fortunatus (c. 530-609):
Today I have celebrated the joyous and holy anniversary of Christmas, returned once again in the world. Everywhere arrives, principally, cheese, round wooden bowls garnished with meat, with poultry, with all the dishes in a word that one offers everybody at this time, and which each has long been accustomed to receive.
Christians
too, then, feasted and exchanged, at the least, food, even if they
did so less scandalously.
(The modern French word for it, Noël, would not appear until about the twelfth century and is believed to be a corruption of Natalis, from Natalis Domini.)
For more about the early Middle Ages
Feasting with the Franks
The First French Medieval Food
Christmas was not among the earliest festivals of the Church. Irenaeus and Tertullian omit it from their lists of feasts; Origen, glancing perhaps at the discreditable imperial Natalitia, asserts... that in the Scriptures sinners alone, not saints, celebrate their birthday; Arnobius... can still ridicule the "birthdays" of the gods....
The first evidence of the feast is from Egypt....[a]bout A.D. 200...According to another history of the holiday, “the first mention of a Nativity feast on December 25 is found in a Roman document known as the Philocalian Calendar, dating from the year 354, but embodying an older document evidently belonging to the year 336.”
(The modern French word for it, Noël, would not appear until about the twelfth century and is believed to be a corruption of Natalis, from Natalis Domini.)
By
Merovingian times, there is no doubt the Church itself considered it
important, though its place may have become more established over
time. This can be detected in the evolution of monastic rules. St.
Caesarius' rule (c. 500) speaks only of “major feasts”, but later
rules and even lists of rents single out Easter and Christmas as
special days.
One
sign of the holiday's importance is that it was a favored moment for
baptisms. Clovis himself was baptized (by St. Remy) on Christmas.
Later, Gontram (ruled 584-587) doubted the paternity of his nephew,
Clothar II, because the boy had not been baptized on Christmas, nor
on Easter or the feast of Saint John.
The
sanctity of the holiday was not sufficient to ward off the violence
found all through Gregory de Tours' “History of the Franks”:- “In
the third year of [the] bishopric [of bishop Francilion of Tours],
while the holy night of Christmas brought joy among the people, this
bishop having asked for drink in coming down from the vigils, a
slave stepped forward at once and offered him the cup. As soon as he
had drunk, he gave up the ghost, making it likely he was poisoned.”
- At
one point a kind of civil war arose between the citizens of Tours.
On Christmas, the local priest sent a messenger to invite several
people to dine at his place. "But this boy arriving at the
place where he was sent was struck with a knife by one of the
guests, causing him to die at once." This understandably
inflamed feelings and led to further violence, including more murders.
- One
battle took place on Christmas Day itself.
- An
arch-deacon who was implicated in the theft of a shipment of oil (probably at Marseille) was celebrating the Christmas service and
had just invited the bishop to approach the altar when Albin, the
governor of Provence, grabbed him, threw him to his feet and put him
in prison, ignoring all pleas to release him until the next day so
he could celebrate the service. Says Gregory, "Albin had no
fear nor respect for the holy solemnity to so take away a Minister
of the Lord's Altar." King Sigibert (ruled 561-575) seems to
have felt differently – he ordered Albin to repay four times over
what he fined the arch-deacon.
After
King Sigibert was killed, his widow stayed in Paris. "Duke
Gundebaud secretly took the little Childebert [II], son of the late
king, and having saved him from death..., he gathered the peoples on
whom his father had exercised the sovereign power, and made him King
[575-596], although he had barely turned five years old: and he began
his Reign on the very day of Christmas.” It is not clear however if
Christmas had a special status for coronations or if Gundebaud simply
wanted to hasten the child's consecration as king. (Charlemagne would famously be crowned Emperor on Christmas of 800, which may have been a conscious effort to associate him with the year's most resplendent holiday, but may also have been due to the supposedly improvised nature of the event.)
More
fortuitously, Venerand of Clermont, said to be a very holy bishop,
died on Christmas Eve "and the very morning of the holiday he
had a solemn funeral procession".
Still,
in all this darkness, Gregory, like Fortunatus, shows Christmas,
overall, as a time of rejoicing, even if it was not sufficient to
restrain the horrors of the times. It would still be in 829 – a
difficult year for France overall –, when we get a rare glimpse
of Louis the Pious, returning to Aix-La-Chapelle, where he
“celebrated the most sacred day of the Nativity with great gladness
and joy.”.
Among
the more curious artifacts of the holiday are those in a work written around 650-655 by a monk
named Marculfe. In something very like a Medieval secretary's handbook, Marculfe provides a series of fill-in-the-blank forms
and letters for every occasion – something which was probably very
useful in a time of limited literacy. This includes two brief, but
effusive, notes to be addressed to a king (“your Clemency”) or a
bishop (“your Holiness”) for Christmas. If these are not quite
Christmas cards, they nonetheless show that the tradition of written
Christmas greetings dates to at least this period (if only for a
few).
What
about Christmas carols? Songs were one of the few forms of
entertainment in this period and it would be surprising if some of
them were not about Christmas. Unfortunately, the more popular ones –
that is, the folk songs – would not have interested those using
precious writing materials to set things down. Of the more
sophisticated hymns, perhaps the earliest was written by Knotker the
Stammerer (c. 840-912), best known as “The Monk of St. Gall”, who
wrote the second most famous biography of Charlemagne. Also a
musician, he may or may not have invented a type of religious lyric
called the “sequence”, but he probably did write the hymn that
begins “Natus ante saecula Dei filius”, of which the following is
a very approximate translation:
On Christmas.
Born before the ages, Son of God,
Invisible, infinite,
By whom are made the workings of the heavens, and the earth,
The sea, and all that live in them,
By whom days and hours decline
And again return.
Of whom the angels on high
Together always sing.
You took this fragile body
With no stain of original sin
From the flesh of the Virgin Mary.
This guilt of the first parent,
Eve's shameful wantonness.
Of this present brief day, speak,
Resplendent, grown longer,
That the true Sun shine its light
Driving from the old world
What caused shadows.
A new star drives out night,
Light I know that awed
the eyes of the Magi.
No group of teachers lacks
Light, that was touched
by the brilliance of the army of God.
Rejoice, Mother of God,
Surrounded instead of midwives
By the song of angels praising God.
Christ, the only father, who
For our sake took human form,
Comfort your supplicants:
And whose share will be to you
worthy, Jesus, graciously
To receive their prayers,
That they your divinity
Share, God, so
Grant us, only God.
Otherwise,
the one population whose practices are best known in this period are
monks. The importance of Christmas is reflected in the difference in
their rations in the various rules. The early rule of St. Caesarius
only says that during the important holidays monks were to receive an
additional dish and “something fresh added from what is sweet”
(presumably fruit, though honey might have been the Christmas
option).
Later
rules make it plain that Easter and Christmas were moments of some
relaxation in the normal monastic severity, but are only moderately more indulgent. When Charlemagne was considering
importing practices from the Italian monastery of Mount
Cassino, Theodomar, writing to describe these, said
the monks got more cheese or another food at Christmas and that
poultry was distributed, which they were allowed to eat for eight
days (so long as any remained). The 817 Council at Aix-la-Chappelle
which forbade meat to the monks also allowed them to eat poultry for
eight days at Christmas and Easter. But the dispensation which
allowed monks to use animal fat in their meals (since olive oil was
hard to get in some places) was suspended for twenty days before
Christmas.
On
feast days at Corbie in 822, “provenders” (primarily workers) got
an extra half vassal's loaf, a half-pound of cooked food and a cup of
wine or the same beer as the monks. The brothers themselves were
obliged to abstain from meat during the eighth day after Christmas
(the “octave”), but on Easter and Christmas and the days right
after, they got poultry (fowl, chicken or goose), and three
additional cups of wine.
In his constitution (c. 823-833) for the Fontanelle Abbey, Saint
Ansegisus (c.
770 – 833 or 834) lists the rents from
different of the monastery's properties. Where these were in food,
they were typically beans, peas or eggs. But at Christmas and Easter,
several domains were required to provide fattened geese and chickens,
as well as normal chickens, eggs and honey; all this presumably for
improved rations for the monks.
These Christmas indulgences were relatively modest, though monks normally constrained to essentially vegetarian diets would have found them great delicacies. But a document found at the
Cathedral of Strasbourg, probably dating from the ninth century,
shows the canons there getting far better rations. Already, it is
surprising to see that, living under the rule of Chrodegang, they had
meat at both dinner and supper for normal meals, and all the bread
they wanted. (Why they would have been excused from the 817 prohibition on meat is
not clear). But on a number of holidays (well beyond Christmas and
Easter), the canon on duty in the kitchen
got (presumably
for everyone)
three muids of wheat, three one year old pigs, three suckling pigs,
an adult, forty-eight chickens, twelve cheeses, one hundred and ten
eggs, a half-bucket of milk, a half pound of pepper, “enough”
honey and six pails of wine. (Though
no vegetables or legumes are mentioned here, these may have been taken
directly from the garden and so would not appear in accounts.) The
pepper alone – a costly item all through the early Middle Ages –
would have made this a luxurious meal.
Beyond
the better food, monks in this period may have had another reason to
look forward to Christmas and Easter. In some versions of additions
Louis the Pious made to the 817 canons, it is stated that monks
should “bathe only at Christmas and at Easter”; with the
additional stipulation that (to avoid any scandalous activities) they
should do so separately. As shocking as this may be to modern
sensibilities, it made perfect sense to a Church that regarded any
attention to the body as a distraction from the spiritual. Bathing in particular was suspect, given its history as a Roman indulgence.
How
the monks felt about such bi-annual opportunities for personal
hygiene is not recorded. But it may well be that outsiders who dealt
with them after
such rare cleansings were only too tempted to shout: Alleluia!
FOR FURTHER READING
Ecclesiastical approbation. Nihil Obstat. November 1, 1908. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor. Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New YorkMigne, Remigii, monachi S. Germani antissiodorensis, beati Notkeri Balbuli S. Galli monachi, Opera omnia 1853
Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae historica inde ab anno Christi quingentesimo usque ad annum millesimum et quingentesimum: ScriptorumV2 1829
Charles Gérard, L'ancienne Alsace à table: étudehistorique et archéologique sur l'alimentation, les moeurs et lesusages épulaires de l'ancienne province d'Alsace1877
Lynda L. Coon, Dark Age Bodies: Gender and Monastic Practice in the Early Medieval West 2011
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